MM7 - Media Representation of Ethnicity 

Stereotypes of Ethnic Minorities

The media often relies on stereotypes when representing ethnic minorities, presenting them in narrow and repetitive ways. These stereotypes reduce complex individuals and communities to simplified images that are easy for audiences to recognise but do not reflect reality. Ethnic minorities are commonly portrayed as criminals, threats, or dependent on the state, while positive or ordinary representations are far less common. Van Dijk (2002) argues that this pattern is not accidental but reflects deeper ideological assumptions within Western media, where Whiteness is treated as the norm and ethnic minorities are framed as “different” or problematic. Over time, these stereotypes can shape public attitudes and reinforce racial prejudice.


Ethnic Minorities as Criminals

One of the most persistent stereotypes in the media is the association between ethnic minorities—particularly young Black men—and crime. Van Dijk (2002) found that Western news media routinely link Black men to criminal behaviour while ignoring wider structural causes such as poverty, unemployment, educational inequality, and social exclusion. This creates the misleading impression that crime is the result of individual or cultural failings rather than social conditions. Wayne et al. (2007) support this view, finding that almost half of all news stories involving Black people focused on crime, despite Black people making up a much smaller proportion of the population.

Cushion (2011) found that Black men were significantly overrepresented in crime reporting and were far more likely to be shown in handcuffs, police custody, or mugshots. These visual cues are powerful because they immediately signal guilt and danger to audiences, even before a story is explained. Today, this pattern continues through digital media. Tabloid news websites frequently use CCTV images or police bodycam footage that disproportionately feature Black suspects, while similar footage involving White suspects is less likely to circulate. On platforms such as TikTok, Instagram, and YouTube Shorts, short clips of arrests often go viral without context, reinforcing stereotypes and encouraging racialised assumptions about criminality.

These representations are also reinforced through popular television dramas. Shows such as Top Boy focus heavily on drug dealing, gangs, and violence in predominantly Black urban communities. While the show has been praised for realism and social commentary, critics argue that repeated exposure to these narratives—without equal focus on positive or ordinary Black lives—can reinforce the idea that crime is the defining feature of Black masculinity.

Back (2002) argues that these repeated portrayals contribute to moral panics, where ethnic minorities are constructed as a threat to social order. Hall (1980) explains that moral panics allow the media and the state to justify harsher policing and surveillance. In the UK, this can be seen in the continued use of stop-and-search powers, which disproportionately target Black men. Media coverage often presents these policing practices as necessary for public safety, rather than questioning whether they are effective or discriminatory. As a result, the media not only reflects racial inequality but also actively helps to maintain it by shaping public opinion and legitimising unequal treatment


Ethnic Minorities as a Threat

The media frequently portrays ethnic minorities as a threat to society, particularly through narratives around immigration, terrorism, and cultural difference. These representations often suggest that ethnic minority groups endanger national security, economic stability, or social cohesion. Moore et al. (2018) found that migrants are commonly framed as criminals, welfare scroungers, or a burden on public services. This can be seen clearly in newspaper headlines and online news articles discussing “small boat crossings,” where asylum seekers are described using dehumanising language such as “floods,” “waves,” or “invasions.” Such language encourages fear and hostility rather than understanding.

These threat-based narratives are not limited to news media. Political debates shared on television and social media often present immigration as a crisis, reinforcing the idea that ethnic minorities are responsible for housing shortages, unemployment, or pressure on the NHS. Social media platforms amplify this further, as sensational headlines and short clips are widely shared without context, increasing moral panic and public anxiety.

Muslims have been particularly affected by threat-based representations. Poole (2003) and Ameli et al. (2007) found that Western media disproportionately associate Muslims with terrorism and extremism, especially following the events of 9/11. This pattern has continued in contemporary media. In television dramas such as Bodyguard, Muslim characters are frequently treated with suspicion by security services and the public. Even when these characters are later shown to be innocent, the repeated association between Islam and terrorism reinforces negative stereotypes in the minds of audiences.

Film representations have also contributed to this narrative. Hollywood action and war films often depict Middle Eastern or Muslim characters as villains or extremists, rarely showing everyday Muslim lives. This creates a narrow and distorted image where Muslims are seen primarily through the lens of violence or danger. These portrayals ignore the diversity within Muslim communities and reinforce Islamophobia.

Music and popular culture can also reflect and respond to these representations. Some British rap and grime artists have highlighted how ethnic minorities are labelled as threats by the media and the state. Lyrics often reference police surveillance, racial profiling, and being treated as suspicious simply because of ethnicity or religion. While these songs challenge dominant narratives, mainstream media coverage of these genres sometimes reinforces fear by linking them to violence or crime rather than viewing them as forms of political expression.

Hall (1980) argues that these representations create moral panics, where the media exaggerates the danger posed by certain groups, leading the public to support tougher laws and increased social control. In the UK, this can be seen in the justification of counter-terrorism legislation, surveillance programmes, and policing strategies that disproportionately affect Muslim and minority ethnic communities. These portrayals contribute to Islamophobia and racism, shaping how ethnic minorities are treated in everyday life, including experiences of discrimination, harassment, and unequal treatment by authorities.

Invisibility of Ethnic Minorities

As well as being misrepresented, ethnic minorities are often underrepresented or made invisible in the media altogether. Van Dijk (2004) found that news coverage consistently prioritises White victims over ethnic minority victims. High-profile cases involving White individuals tend to receive extensive media attention, emotional storytelling, and ongoing coverage, while similar cases involving Black or Asian victims are often reported briefly or ignored. This selective coverage creates the impression that some lives are more valuable than others and reinforces racial hierarchies within society.

This pattern continues in contemporary news media. For example, missing persons cases involving White women often dominate headlines and social media campaigns, while cases involving minority ethnic women receive far less attention. The lack of coverage means that ethnic minority suffering is normalised and made less visible, reducing public empathy and awareness of racial inequality.

Gill (2006) found that ethnic minorities are frequently given minor or stereotypical roles in television and film, with limited character development and little influence over the storyline. In many mainstream British dramas and soaps, ethnic minority characters often appear as side characters, background figures, or supporting roles rather than central protagonists. When they are included, their storylines may focus narrowly on crime, immigration, or cultural conflict, rather than everyday experiences such as family life, work, or relationships.

Although progress has been made with programmes such as Small Axe, which centres Black British history and experiences, these shows remain exceptions rather than the norm. Similarly, films like Rocks offer rare examples of young Black women as central characters, but such representations are still limited within mainstream cinema. The fact that these productions are often described as “ground-breaking” highlights how unusual meaningful representation still is.

In popular music, ethnic minority artists are highly visible, particularly in genres such as grime, rap, and Afrobeats. However, media coverage often separates the music from the artists’ lived experiences. While musicians may be celebrated for commercial success, their voices are frequently excluded from mainstream political or cultural debates. Additionally, when genres associated with ethnic minorities are discussed in the media, they are sometimes linked to crime or antisocial behaviour, rather than being recognised as legitimate forms of cultural expression.


Institutional Racism in the Media

Institutional racism refers to discrimination that is built into the everyday structures, routines, and decision-making processes of institutions, rather than being the result of individual prejudice. In the media, this means that racism can occur through who controls media production, whose stories are prioritised, and which voices are heard or ignored. Bennett et al. (2006) found that ethnic minority audiences often struggle to relate to mainstream television content because it is largely produced by and for White, middle-class audiences. This affects not only representation on screen but also which issues are considered newsworthy or important.

This can be seen in contemporary television, where commissioning editors, writers, and directors are still disproportionately White. As a result, storylines often reflect White experiences as the default. Even when ethnic minority characters are included, their perspectives may be filtered through a White lens. Although progress has been made with shows created by minority ethnic writers, these programmes are still less common on mainstream channels.

Shah (2008) argues that broadcasters often rely on tokenism, where ethnic minority characters are included to give the appearance of diversity without meaningful representation. Token characters are often underdeveloped, lack agency, and have little influence on the storyline. This can be seen in some films and TV dramas where there is a single Black or Asian character in an otherwise White cast, whose role is to support the main character rather than exist as a fully realised individual. Tokenism allows media organisations to appear inclusive while avoiding deeper structural change.

Cottle (2000) supports this idea, arguing that ethnic minorities are often “boxed in” by media representations, meaning they are restricted to certain roles or narratives. Even when representation increases, it may still be shaped by stereotypes or limited storylines, showing that institutional racism can persist even alongside apparent diversity.

Institutional racism is also reinforced through saviour narratives, where ethnic minorities are portrayed as needing help, guidance, or rescue from White characters. This is clearly visible in films such as The Blind Side, where a Black character’s success is shown as dependent on the kindness and intervention of a White family. While these films are often presented as inspirational, critics argue that they reinforce power imbalances by suggesting that ethnic minorities cannot succeed without White support.

Similar narratives appear in other films and television programmes where White characters are positioned as heroes helping disadvantaged minority communities. These stories focus on White morality and generosity rather than on the resilience, agency, or achievements of ethnic minorities themselves. As a result, ethnic minorities are portrayed as passive, dependent, or lacking power.

In music, institutional racism can be seen in how certain genres associated with ethnic minorities, such as grime or drill, are treated by mainstream media. While these genres are commercially successful, media coverage often focuses on links to violence or crime rather than recognising them as forms of political expression or storytelling. Artists may be celebrated for sales and popularity, yet excluded from serious cultural or political discussion, reinforcing the idea that minority voices are less legitimate.


Theoretical Perspectives 

Pluralist Perspective: Media Reflects Audience Demand

Pluralist sociologists argue that the media reflects the preferences and interests of audiences rather than deliberately promoting racist or biased ideas. Media organisations are seen as businesses competing for viewers, readers, and clicks. According to this view, if stories about crime, immigration, or terrorism involving ethnic minorities appear frequently, it is because audiences find these stories engaging, not because the media intends to stigmatise minority groups.

Pluralists argue that representations change over time as public attitudes shift. For example, while tabloid newspapers such as The Sun and The Daily Mail have historically used threatening language about migrants or ethnic minorities, pluralists would suggest this reflects the concerns of their readership. Audiences who want more positive or diverse representations can choose alternative media, such as streaming platforms, independent news sites, or social media.

Evaluation of the Pluralist View

Critics argue that pluralism underestimates the power of media institutions. Many people, particularly those with little direct contact with ethnic minority communities, rely heavily on media representations to shape their views. As a result, the media does not simply reflect audience attitudes but actively shapes them. Critics also argue that audiences do not have equal access to all media, meaning dominant representations are harder to avoid than pluralists suggest.


Marxist Perspective: Media, Power, and Division

Marxist sociologists argue that media representations of ethnic minorities serve the interests of the ruling class by reinforcing inequality and dividing the working class. Negative portrayals of ethnic minorities as criminals, threats, or welfare scroungers distract attention away from structural problems such as poverty, low wages, and exploitation under capitalism.

Hall (1980) argues that the media creates moral panics by exaggerating the threat posed by certain groups, such as young Black men or migrants. These moral panics encourage public support for harsher policing, stricter immigration controls, and increased surveillance. Contemporary examples include media coverage of knife crime or asylum seekers crossing the Channel, where ethnicity is often highlighted in ways that increase fear rather than understanding.

Evaluation of the Marxist View

Hollingsworth (1990) found that some media professionals held racist views, but they were a small minority. Additionally, not all media outlets follow the same ideological line. For example, newspapers such as The Guardian have challenged racism and highlighted institutional discrimination, particularly in coverage of cases like Stephen Lawrence. Critics argue that Marxism is too deterministic, assuming audiences always accept media messages rather than questioning or resisting them.


Hegemonic Marxist Perspective: Consent and “Common Sense”

Hegemonic Marxists, influenced by Gramsci, agree that media is largely controlled by powerful elites, but argue that power is maintained through consent rather than force. The media repeatedly presents dominant ideas—such as ethnic minorities being dangerous, dependent, or culturally incompatible—as “common sense.” Over time, these ideas become normalised and difficult to challenge.

For example, repeated media narratives linking Muslims with extremism or migrants with economic strain can shape public opinion even when individuals do not consciously accept racist views. These representations help maintain existing power structures by diverting attention away from systemic inequality and capitalism’s failures.

Evaluation of the Hegemonic Marxist View

Unlike traditional Marxists, hegemonic Marxists recognise that audiences are not completely passive. People can interpret, question, or resist media messages. However, they argue that constant repetition of dominant representations makes resistance difficult. Critics suggest that this perspective underestimates the impact of new media. Social media platforms, YouTube channels, and independent creators have enabled ethnic minorities to challenge stereotypes and present counter-narratives, reducing the dominance of traditional media institutions.